Australia's new and powerful friend By Purnendra Jain and Gerry Groot
ADELAIDE - China is emerging as Australia's new great and powerful friend. The
Australia-China bond, strengthened greatly under the previous prime minister
John Howard, is now being reinforced by Prime Minister Kevin Rudd.
For the previous conservative government, China was an acquired interest, but
Rudd has built a career around China by studying Chinese at university and
through subsequent diplomatic postings in Beijing. He is a great China
enthusiast and recognizes very clearly China's importance to Australia and
world affairs. Just as importantly, Rudd is extremely well known and popular in
China and presumably has longstanding relationships with Chinese leaders. He
has even presented himself, in Chinese, as a true friend of China, one prepared
to tell leaders the truth even if it is unwelcome.
China is now Australia's largest business partner, with two-way
trade nearing A$65 billion (US$46.6 billion). Chinese students are now the
biggest group in Australia's third-largest export - international education. At
the end of their studies, many go on to seek permanent residency and join the
rapidly growing numbers of skilled Chinese migrants coming from the both
mainland China and the Chinese diaspora from all around Asia. Through hard work
and educational attainment, more and more occupy high-profile positions,
including in politics.
But the Australia-China friendship will be very different from Australia's
previous great and powerful friends, Great Britain and the United States. Based
on the developments of recent days, the trajectory of this friendship is almost
certainly going to encounter significant rough patches.
Despite China's growing importance, many Australians remain suspicious of their
northern neighbor. As a result of history and culture, anxieties linger. Fears
of Chinese migration and cheap labor in the 19th century were replaced by fear
of Chinese communism after 1949. Moreover, Australian soldiers have fought
China's People's Liberation Army and its allies in Korea, Malaysia and Vietnam.
Many Australians also remain deeply concerned about the Chinese government's
attitudes to human rights within its own borders and the nature of China's
government in general.
To compound these worries there are renewed concerns about Chinese spying and
state corporate takeovers of Australian strategic resource companies. One
recent Chinese takeover of an Australian miner was initially rejected because
of one mine's proximity to an old rocket testing area, but also uncomfortably
close to America's spy base at Pine Gap, near Alice Springs. China then, is no
Britain or United States: nations which have underwritten Australian security
through longstanding and tested relationships.
Yet, just when Australia has a prime minister in an ideal position to balance
and address these concerns to help Australians understand the importance and
role of a rising China to Australia and the world, things have gone awry. Over
the past few weeks, Rudd and Defense Minister Joel Fitzgibbon have probably
fostered increased suspicion.
When Rudd "secretly" met on March 21 with China's propaganda chief, Li
Changchun, the local press and many others were outraged. Australian media were
not briefed about this visit, but Li's meeting was televised in China.
Similarly, it was revealed that while in opposition Fitzgibbon forgot to
formally declare two fully-paid trips to Beijing sponsored by a Chinese
Australian business woman who was reportedly well connected with the Chinese
government and army. It then transpired there was another such visit even
earlier.
To compound Rudd's oversight, it also came to light that Zhou Yongkang, China's
former security and intelligence chief, had visited Australia in 2008. Rudd may
have very good reasons to have met with him, but given the suspicions of China,
it was another bad call. Yongkang is now a member of China's powerful
nine-member Standing Committee of the Politburo. The lapses reflect a lack of
transparency when dealing with China and in Rudd's case, a particularly
dangerous misjudgment for one needing popular support to help Australia by
working with China.
Despite his clear interest if not passion for things Chinese, Rudd is not a
naive, unconditional "panda hugger" and understands the possible dangers
inherent in China's rise. He is clearly concerned about China's military
intentions and strategic goals. Last year, Rudd expressed concerns about a new
arms race in the region and although not naming China, he clearly meant
Beijing.
However, Rudd also wishes to prevent fears of China's rise becoming a
self-fulfilling prophesy and is seeking to use his position to help mediate
between the US (and the West more generally) and China. The intention is to
ensure China's growing power will be harnessed to the greater good of world
peace and economic development. This goal is reflected in Rudd's advocacy of a
much greater global role for China in organizations, including the
International Monetary Fund.
On present indications, China is set to influence the world in ways that only a
superpower does. That is why some high-profile Americans are proposing a Group
of Two comprising the US and China. In the meantime, the effort to "normalize"
China by enmeshing it further into international bodies and increase its
contributions continues apace.
Unfortunately, Rudd, despite being in an unprecedented position to promote an
integrative agenda and win international - especially American - support
through his apparent rapport with US President Barack Obama, is in danger of
losing vital support within Australia.
This is because Rudd has not yet publicly articulated a coherent plan to make
it clear to Australian voters that being in China's good books is indeed a
vital national interest, not somehow selling Australia short, let alone selling
out. Rudd's apparent embarrassment at being seated next to ambassador Fu Ying
in a recent BBC interview is easily construed as reflecting a fear that this
would be construed as once again, literally and metaphorically, as being too
close to China. His fear of Australian reactions and playing into the hands of
the parliamentary opposition may be clouding his judgement.
Rudd understands China's rising importance both to the world and to Australia,
a country of 21 million people with a history of dependence on powerful
friends. Much is riding on how, or even whether, he can convince Australians
that their national interests will indeed be well served by trusting him to
work with China and the rest of the world.
He can only convince them though, if he first makes a clear case about how and
why he needs to work with an opaque and authoritarian regime to help it
transform into one Australians and others can trust. If he does not yet have
such a vision, he had better develop one soon.
Purnendra Jain is professor and Gerry Groot is senior lecturer in
Asian Studies at Australia's Adelaide University.
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