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    Front Page
     May 1, 2008
Silvio il Magnifico?
By Francesco Sisci

BEIJING - "It is hard for the rich to live in Florence, unless they rule the state," Lorenzo de Medici once said, commenting on the political career and destiny of his grandfather, Cosimo di Giovanni de Medici, a ruler of Florence.

"The implication was," says British author Tim Parks, "if you don't control the state, the state will ruin you. You will become the object of punitive taxation deliberately aimed at confiscating your fortune."

Cosimo's career started almost by accident, a political incident which eventually projected him and his family to power.

In 1433, Cosimo's political adversary, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, had Cosimo arrested for tax evasion and wanted him sentenced to death. However, Rinaldo's plan hit a snag, thanks to the many supporters of Cosimo in and out of Florence.

As Niccolo di Bernardo dei Machiavelli said: "The deeds of Cosimo that make us suspect him are these: he helps everyone with his money, and not only private individuals, but the state, and not only Florentines, but the condottieri [mercenary leaders]; he favors this or that citizen that has need of the magistrates; by the good will that he has in the generality of people he pulls this or that friend to higher ranks of honor."

In other words, it was true that Cosimo did not pay his taxes to the state, but he was generous with his money and time to everyone. So, Cosimo escaped the death sentence and sent into exile. But he returns to Florence to become its master and places his grandson, Lorenzo, to become il Magnifico.

Does it ring a bell? Does it sound like a story from modern Italy? Try to substitute Cosimo de Medici with Silvio Berlusconi, and you could tell almost the same story.

Berlusconi went into politics in dire straits, also to avert the threat of being bankrupted by his political adversaries. Here, Belusconi's enemies forgot another of Machiavelli's injunctions: "Great men must either not be touched, or if touched eliminated."

These enemies did it all wrong: touched him without eliminating him, and thus made him stronger and indirectly prompted him to his present position.

His first stab at it in 1994 didn't go too well, he won the elections but lost the parliament's maneuvers. Then he came back in 2001, winning the elections and becoming prime minister, and recently, in April, twice, winning elections with a vengeance and even greater riches, and now posed to become prime minister again.

From now on, short of major accidents, it could be difficult for Italy to do without him.

He will most likely remain head of government for the next five years. After that, he could try to become president of the republic, as present President Giorgio Napolitano is due to step down in five years, about the time Berlusconi, at the end of his premiership, could be a candidate for the post.

Is it so bad? Cosimo, his corruption, his generosity and his breadth of vision established the Renaissance, the seminal cultural experience that founded modern Europe, and the very concept of modernity that we use world-wide even today and to which countries like China, India, Japan and Thailand aspire.

Times are, however, very different. In the 15th century, Italy was the economic center of Europe and the Mediterranean Sea. Now Italy faces a long-term crisis, the country's per capita gross domestic product is falling behind that of Greece after being overtaken by Spain in 2006.

In the early 1990s, when Berlusconi went into politics, it was the end of an era - the Cold War. In the Cold War, Italy had delegated its foreign policy to America and the European community, and its economy thrived in their shadow.

However, since the Cold War, Italy has failed to find a new position in the world and accordingly to decide policies for its economy and enterprises. This is what is at stake now.

A renewed Italy, for centuries the cradle of the Western civilization, could be extremely useful in Europe, and also in Asia. Without Italy, the world will be more boring, to say the least.

Italy is torn now. There are depths of inefficiency, there is Naples buried under mountains of garbage. But there is also a super Italy. There are small enterprises which are at the top of the world in their niche products; there is the potential of unique tourist attractions, and the tradition of being the logistics bridge to the East. Any of these would help to restart Italy.

Will Silvio be like Cosimo? Much will depend on what he does in the next five years. But this has nothing to do with his riches or his interests in the Italian media and football, as owner of AC Milan. He will succeed or fail based on his governance. For the sake of Italy, and a less boring world, perhaps we should wish him well.

Francesco Sisci, Asia Editor of La Stampa.

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