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    Middle East
     May 10, 2008
War funding and war rhetoric
By Sami Moubayed

DAMASCUS - In 1936, a senior aid approached Syria's new president Hashem al-Atasi, explaining the presidential budget which had a special clause for "classified activities". This was a special amount allocated by parliament for the president to distribute at will, without presenting receipts, or explaining himself to the legislative branch.

Fuming, Atasi crossed off the amount and angrily snapped, "This is incorrect! A president should not have money to distribute freely without being checked by parliament. It is not his right and it is not his money." The late Syrian leader returned the money untouched - every single year - to the Syrian treasury during his


 

tenure, 1936-1939, 1949-1951 and 1954-1955.

That story came to mind as I heard President George W Bush request US$3 billion for "classified activities" from the US Congress. Bush needs secret funds much more than Atasi did 50 years ago. The Syrian president was not occupying Iraq and Afghanistan, nor was he waging a "war on terror" against Osama bin Laden. Then, "classified activities" were relatively simple; they included paying Lebanese newspapers to refrain from criticizing Syria and distributing gifts to certain Arab leaders.

Atasi reasoned that this "classified activity" was being funded by Syrian tax money and that the average Syrian had a right to know where his taxes were being spent. As long as this money was not being used to improve the livelihood of ordinary Syrians, then it was a crime for any leader to spend it on political or clandestine activities.

Atasi would have flipped if he had heard the rest of Bush's financial requests - $45.1 billion for combat operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, $3.7 billion to expand and train the Afghan National Army, $2 billion to improve Iraq's security and $2.2 billion to cope with rising fuel costs. Another $3 billion was wanted for technology to battle explosive devices, such as roadside bombs, and $2.6 billion to transport and maintain armored vehicles.

To enhance medical and rehabilitation services associated with traumatic brain injury and psychological health issues for wounded US troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, $400 million was wanted, while $2.5 billion was the price for diplomatic efforts to combat terrorism. The tag of $350 million was to "expand stability in the Middle East", including $200 million for the West Bank (no mention of war-torn and improvised Gaza), and $100 million for Jordan and $50 million for Lebanon.

Nothing of course to help Syria, which hosts 1.5 million Iraqi refugees displaced by the American mess in Iraq. Another $193.2 million in military and economic assistance to Pakistan, and $122.9 million for stabilization in Kenya, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, Sudan and Somalia. Finally, $15 million for the six-party talks on North Korea's nuclear program. All in all? A total of $70 billion requested by Bush from Congress.

Americans might be excused for being upset by their tax money being handed out left-and-right, without consent and in issues that do not affect their day-to-day lives. What makes things more difficult is that in addition to "classified activities", the US administration is still vehemently committed to spreading baseless arguments aimed at creating trouble for its opponents in the region.

This month, we had US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) "evidence" that North Korea was building a nuclear reactor in Syria, saying this is why it was bombed by Israel in September 2007. Yet the United Nations' International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in 2004 had looked into accusations that Syria was pursing nuclear ambitions, and gave the Syrians a clean bill of health.

Syria is upset with what has recently been published as fact, claiming that if Syria were building anything nuclear with the North Koreans, then Israel had no right to strike at will without informing the IAEA and the Americans had no right in keeping this information classified since September.

Now we are hearing an increasing number of stories about Iranian arms streaming into Iraq to be used by insurgents against US troops. This is not new, but it has exploded in the media scene over the past week, so as to add pressure on the Iranian regime.

The US's top man in Iraq, General David Petraeus, spoke to the British Broadcasting Corporation, saying the number of arms found in Baghdad which were "made in Iran" were "even greater [than those found in southern Iraq] ... so there is a huge concern". He mentioned artillery rounds, "hundreds and hundreds", and said they had marks showing they were manufactured in Tehran.

The Americans also claim they have found advanced rockets, sniper rifles and sophisticated roadside bombs that have "killed thousands of US-led coalition and Iraqi forces". The US State Department adds that an elite force of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps, the Quds Force, was responsible for the external operations of Iran, both in Iraq and Lebanon. The US terrorism report for 2008 lists Iran as the "most significant" state sponsor of terrorism. It added that the number of US and Iraqi soldiers killed by direct or indirect Iranian action in Iraq had reached "thousands".

Hussein Shariatmadari, a representative of Iran's Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and editor of the hardline Kayhan newspaper, responded, "When Americans and Iraqis bring such accusations, they are facing difficulties in Iraq. When they face difficulties, they blame Iran for them and not themselves." Speaking to the pan-Arab daily al-Sharq al-Awsat, he added that evidence presented to Tehran by Iraqi officials "was not conclusive".

A spokesman for the Sadrist movement of Muqtada al-Sadr, accused by the Americans of receiving funds and weapons from Tehran, added, "Iran sells weapons to anyone who wants and the Sadr movement, al-Qaeda and the parties in Iraq's political process have Iranian weapons." He added, "Therefore, it is quite natural to find Iranian weapons because they are sold and bought and any party can buy them."

The new set of American accusations against Iran has caused more than a stir in Baghdad. Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki sent a delegation to sound out Iranian officials on the US-produced "evidence" and it returned to Iraq saying the Iranians had given a "positive" response. Government spokesman Ali al-Dabbagh explained, "We don't want to start a conflict with Iran. We need our own government documentation of this interference," adding there is no "hard evidence" of Iran's involvement in sabotage and terrorism financing in Iraq.

What we do know for sure is that recently Iraqi President Jalal Talabani requested the mediation of General Qassem Soleimani, the commander of the Quds Force, with the Sadrists. The Iranian general responded promptly and managed to control some of the Sadrist activities in the southern city of Basra.

Strangely, the Bush White House now condemns Muqtada's Mahdi Army, but turned a blind eye to its activities when Muqtada was working with Maliki in 2006-2007. And it says nothing about the Badr Brigade, another Shi'ite militia that is equally dangerous, but unlike the Mahdi Army it is pro-American.

In his book At the Center of the Storm, CIA director George Tenet recalls that on September 12, 2001, while walking into the White House, he bumped into Richard Pearle, "one of the godfathers of the neo-conservative movement and, at the time, head of the Defense Policy Board". He adds, "Ours was little more than a passing acquaintance ... As the doors closed behind him, we made eye contact and he nodded. I had just reached the door myself when Pearle turned to me and said, 'Iraq has to pay a price for what happened yesterday. They bear responsibility'." He adds, "I was stunned but said nothing. Eighteen hours earlier, I had scanned passenger manifests from the four hijacked airplanes that showed beyond doubt that al-Qaeda was behind the attacks."
The story tells volumes about decision-makers in Washington. Pearle felt comfortable - if Tenet's story is true - to blame a sovereign state of a horrendous terrorist attack on the United States, without a shred of evidence.

History repeats itself in strange ways.

Sami Moubayed is a Syrian political analyst.

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Pressure for Iraq to pay its own way
(May 9, '08)

Yes, the Pentagon did want to hit Iran
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