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    Middle East
     Mar 21, 2009
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BOOK REVIEW
Twelve steps to a new grand strategy
Great Powers: America and the World after Bush
by Thomas P M Barnett

Reviewed by Benjamin A Shobert

attempting to combine the right objective with an inadequate justification and incomplete execution. Taken together, the argument can appear uneven. At some level Barnett seems to accept this, wanting to focus primarily on how America moves forward from the mistakes of its past.

In Great Powers, the main emphasis is on suggesting a new foreign policy which is intensely pragmatic. Barnett advocates a balanced, but forward-thinking, view of what America can accomplish, through what he calls "A Twelve-Step Recovery

 

Program for American Grand Strategy". Much of Barnett's 12 steps rest on the first, "Admit that we Americans are powerless over globalization." (pg 37) To Barnett, this is no admission of weakness, rather a realization born of strength, and a consequence of ideological victory.

In this regard, his thoughts on China are compelling: if China was going to set aside its communist ways and re-enter the global economy, how else was it going to do so other than by becoming the world's factory? Did we expect it to go from a deeply withdrawn country, lacking industry and technology, with a chronic need to feed itself, to a nation competing on innovation in the space of a decade? Two? Barnett deeply wants Americans reading his book to wrestle with their own history, specifically when the US economy had its own predatory habits. By positioning much of his 12 steps within America's own challenges while it developed, Barnett hopes to introduce some maturity and patience into our expectations for China.

A number of the 12 steps show a realization of how and where America's response to September 11, 2001, was misguided, such as number four, which asks that Americans to "make a searching and fearless moral inventory of the ‘global war on terror'." (pg 46) Surprisingly, much of Barnett's 12 steps involve acts of admission, or what advocates of American generational super-power status may see as unbecoming humility.

Number five requires that we "admit to the world and to ourselves the exact nature of our mistakes in Iraq and Afghanistan". (pg 52) Number six is likely to force accountability for some of these mistakes because it mandates that we "work with the international community to remove the defects of wartime injustice". (pg 56).

Barnett believes that only through the admission of past mistakes can we hope to move forward, and that if we attempt and gloss over these errors, many existing and potential allies may refuse to enter new commitments and partnerships with us, fearing that we will ultimately reject forms of accountability which we find unappealing.

Later in the book, Barnett writes "America needs to approach this grand strategy with great humility, and by that I mean we need to make sure others get the credit more than we do." (pg 250) Against the backdrop of a now-gone president who seemed incapable of acknowledging error, the simplicity of this aspect of Barnett's suggestion will be deeply appealing to many readers.

The 12 steps act as preparation for America and the world to develop a new grand strategy, one Barnett believes the US still has the political capital, military capability and cultural heritage to lead. For Barnett, this strategy must have at its center greater cooperation between the US, China, Brazil and India.

This is easier said than done, because the relationship Barnett envisions between these countries would include a level of joint military activities that goes against the grain of many in the Pentagon. Not only this, but the idea of such integration and cooperation would negate the rationalization at the heart of many weapons platforms like the F-22 which require Congress and the US military to view countries including China as potential threats, instead of partners.

The backdrop of much, if not all of Great Powers, is Barnett's belief that globalization ultimately gets Americans what they really most desire: a safer, more secure world, characterized by countries with healthy middle classes that can participate in their governments through increasingly democratic means. As he writes, "What's so scary about globalization today is that it's triggering a global consciousness regarding the possibilities of individual liberty, and in doing so, it places a lot of elites in nondemocratic societies in a tough place." (pg 296)

He also believes the threat from fundamentalist Islam may not be best countered with the military. Again, Barnett does see the need for a vibrant and well-trained force, only that it is most politically effective when widely seeded from different countries and capable of dealing seriously with the aftermath of intervention. The best counter to militant Muslim extremists may be to further enable the very forces they fear, the essence of modernizing influences best carried by, and embodied through, international trade.

Similarly, whatever fear Americans have of China's true intentions, concerns that Beijing harbors some latent commitment to overthrowing the world and remaking it in Mao Zedong's image, is best addressed by bringing China more - not less - into the fold. Doing so forces its leaders to mature and choose to participate in the systems of global governance which define our economies.

Towards the end of his book, Barnett pulls from a somewhat surprising source of inspiration, president Richard Nixon, when writing: "To Nixon, without great ideas, great powers ceased to be great. And that simple maxim is the reason America's faith in itself is so crucial to the planet right now. What the rising great powers of our age present in terms of great ideas are merely successful catch-up development (eg, the China model) or integration (eg, the EU) strategies - basically, how best to engage the liberal international trade order of America's creation." (pg 418)
Beset by economic worries, aware of basic flaws in our economic thinking, critical of our ability to reshape the world through judicious use of military force or political will, Americans have forgotten that for whatever short-term losses we are experiencing now, most of the world still traces their most recent successes back to the American standard.

Barnett's Great Powers seeks to remind us of how much we still have to offer the world if we can adjust and realign our own expectations. If we believe we are the stewards of something special, something unique, something worth protecting, now is a critical time to reconnect with these beliefs.

Great Powers: America and the World After Bush by Thomas P M Barnett, Putnam Adult (February 5, 2009). ISBN-10: 0399155376. Price US$29.95, 496 pages.

Benjamin A Shobert is the managing director of Teleos Inc (www.teleos-inc.com), a consulting firm dedicated to helping 'n businesses bring innovative technologies into the North American market.

(Copyright 2009 ' Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

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