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    Middle East
     Sep 29, 2009
Ba'athist rejects Iraq's bomb claims
By Stephen Starr

DAMASCUS - From a dated cafe in downtown Damascus, Iraqi Ba'ath party member Nizar Samarai is defiant.

"What happened on March 20, 2003, was a major assault on the Ba'ath party, 2003 was a hard year for us, but now, we have started to recover."

Samarai was general director of the Presidential Office and an advisor to president Saddam Hussein until Baghdad fell to coalition troops that March. He then went into hiding. Asked what he does in Syria, he says, "The government doesn't allow me to

 
work. If they did, you wouldn't be getting this bill!" he joked, avoiding the question.

The bombings of government buildings in Baghdad on August 19, in which at least 95 people were killed and hundreds wounded, sparked a major row between Syria and Iraq.

Turkey and the Arab League have been drawn into the issue, attempting to bridge the mounting tension between Damascus and Baghdad which has come despite ties improving significantly in the months before the attack.

Friends become enemies
Commentators interviewed for this article said that in a meeting the day before the bombings, Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki asked Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for the names of 179 Ba'ath members thought to be hiding in Syria, accusing them of being involved in attacks across Iraq.

Assad asked for evidence that the named men were indeed guilty of organizing the attacks. Maliki presented none and left Damascus prematurely, apparently fuming. The next day, one of the worst attacks Iraq has seen since the occupation took place.

Syria, for its part, has said all allegations by the Iraqi government are entirely false. "For Syria to be accused of killing Iraqis while it houses some 1.2 million Iraqi refugees is an immoral and politically motivated accusation," said Assad. Since then, Syria's Foreign Minister Walid al-Mouallem has met with his Iraqi counterpart Hoshyar Zebari in Cairo, but he said no evidence had been presented to back up Baghdad's claims. A four-way meeting in Istanbul last week also failed to resolve the two sides' differences.

Shortly after the attacks in Baghdad, an alliance of Shi'ite political groups and figures was convened, which may well undermine Maliki's political legitimacy in Iraq. Included in the "Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq" are prominent cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, the Fadhila Party, and former prime minister Ibrahim al-Jafari, among others. As politicians ready for national elections expected to be held in January, personal weaknesses are being targeted.

Fadhil Rubayieh, an Iraqi researcher and author who writes for al-Arabi al-Qatari and al-Jazeera.net, has doubts about Ba'athist involvement in the attacks. "I don't think any Iraqi Ba'athist people were responsible for the bombings - there's no way they could have pulled off something as big as that. [It was] the biggest [bombing] in Iraq for six years."

Rubayieh looks to the past for pointers on the current crisis. "The same date 30 years ago - in the summer of 1979 - Syria's president was in Iraq to sign a Pan-Arab agreement; within 48 hours, Iraqi president Ahmad Hassan al-Bakr announced a conspiracy to change the Iraqi regime. Iraqi is again trying to show it can stand up for itself."

A report by the Jamestown Foundation said members of the Iraqi Ba'ath party based in northeast Syria would end their support for the insurgency in Iraq in return for permission to participate in the political process. "Maliki does not want to see the Ba'athists succeed in regaining any sort of political legitimacy, and as such, blamed them for the bombing," said Rubayieh.

Reports say that during Maliki's visit to Damascus - the day before the bombing - Assad pressured him to engage with Ba'athist elements, several of whom operate in Syria.

Maliki makes Damascus a scapegoat
However, Maliki has plenty of reason to cast blame abroad. With coalition troops having pulled back to military bases on June 31, the Iraqi government has had its first real opportunity to show the international community it can assert control over its own internal security. What followed were several devastating bombings in Baghdad, Kirkuk and Mosul, shaking the country's confidence in the government.

Samarai is convinced his party had nothing to do with "Black Wednesday".

"Of the three branches of al-Qaeda operating in Iraq, I think the one allied to Iran was most likely to have carried it out - a ton of C4 explosives and $10,000 could only have come across the Iranian border and nowhere else."

Analyst Rubayieh says Maliki's accusations fail to stand up to scrutiny. "Accusing Satham Farham [one of the two men named as having masterminded the August 19 bombings] was a very strange move. Farham is a teacher with no political tendencies or military links. As for Younis al-Ahmad, this man was seeking to engage politically with the Iraqi government and it looks like Maliki has finished him with this accusation. I think this may do more harm than good for Maliki," he said. "It's clear Maliki wants to make this worse."

On the day of the bombs, Iraqi security forces say they caught suspects and, within four days, they had extracted a confession from one, a former police officer, that he had jointly masterminded the explosion with "Iraqi Ba'athist colleagues based in Syria". The Iraqi government angrily and publicly demanded Syria stop its support for "terrorist groups" and withdrew its ambassador. Damascus responded in kind.

With Iraq sending thousands of troops to its border with Syria, and Maliki claiming that "right from the start, we expected the Syrian side would not respond positively to the evidence and demands from Iraq, and now we are almost hopeless on this issue", relations between the two appear set for a freeze, with this, Iraq's own security situation will likely remain precarious.

Samarai, who fled to Syria in November 2006, refused to give the names of other members of the outlawed Ba'ath party hiding in Syria, but said that about once a week they met to discuss various issues, from the future of the party to "coordinating attacks" with militant groups in Iraq. "Here in Damascus we try to hold meetings with various groups, including national resistance groups to discuss our political and military goals," he added, conceding that the Iraqi Ba'ath party was indeed involved in fomenting instability in Iraq.

Samarai also has his own ideas on the future of Iraq. "America is failing in Afghanistan and so I think they will attempt to renew efforts in Iraq in order to impress international public opinion."

The Iraqi Ba'ath party is essential, he said. "Half of the entire refugee population living in Syria was members of the Ba'ath party before they left Iraq, so we are looking forward with optimism."

With Maliki's popularity on the rocks, elections looming and the growing strength of a coalition that includes militant cleric Muqtada, re-integrating the Ba'ath party into Iraq's political scene may be something the United States is forced to do.

Stephen Starr is a freelance journalist.

(Copyright 2009 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)


Maliki hangs tough on Syria (Sep 10, '09)

Iraqi violence overshadowed
(Sep 9, '09)


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