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India drawn in Nepal's turmoil
By Sultan Shahin

NEW DELHI - Faced with a Maoist challenge of its own, particularly on the eve of general elections, India is beginning to worry about the danger of chaos and anarchy overwhelming Nepal in its continuing standoff with Maoists. Almost half of the tiny Himalayan neighbor in India's volatile northeast is already overrun by the increasingly assertive Maoists, who are now also attacking Indian civilians and their property. Despite continuing pre-occupation with elections, which start soon, the Indian leadership is beginning to respond, particularly because of the dangerous implications for India itself, given the links between the Maoists on both sides of the border.

There is strong speculation in the media that India is helping form a new government in Nepal to resolve the present standoff between King Gyanendra and the opposition political parties who are leading the agitation against the government. These reports are largely based on a series of meetings that Indian ambassador to Nepal, Shyam Saran, has had with the king, Prime Minister Surya Bahadur Thapa and main opposition leaders like Nepali Congress leader Girja Prasad Koirala and Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist) leader Madhav Kumar Nepal. It is said that neither Koirala nor Nepal is acceptable to the king as prime minister. Saran is back in Delhi for consultations for the second time in less than a fortnight.

India has vital security interests in Nepal that are threatened by the current chaos. A large number of Indian and joint Indo-Nepali ventures in the Himalayan country will be threatened with continued instability there. Also, India shares a long and open border with the country which is sometimes used by Maoist insurgents to cross over and help Indian insurgents.

Indian Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister Lal Krishna Advani has said that New Delhi is planning to launch stringent action against Naxalites (as Maoists and other communist insurgents are known in India), who have indulged in terrorist activities in over half a dozen Indian states, including Orissa, with clandestine support from the Maoist insurgents of Nepal. A virtual Maoist corridor appears to run through several Indian states, like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Orissa, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh, linking Nepal and the South Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. The chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, Chandra Babu Naidu, survived a murderous Naxalite assault on his motorcade recently.

Advani has commented on Nepali Maoist insurgents and their relations with Naxalites in India for the second time during an election speech in the Indian state of Orissa. He said: "Maoists of Nepal are trying to create troubles in India and the central government will initiate immediate steps to launch a stringent action to end the existing relations between the Maoists of Nepal and Indian Naxalites." Advani also acknowledged having discussed these issues with the higher concerned state authorities in West Bengal, Bihar, Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh, Chhatisgarh and Orissa.

While Advani, preoccupied as he admittedly is with the elections, has taken a week to respond, the government of India responded quickly. Almost immediately after an attack just over a week ago on Indian nationals and Indian cargo vehicles by Maoists in western Nepal, the External Affairs Ministry (MEA) reacted strongly and called for the perpetrators of the "blatant act of terrorism" to be apprehended and punished. In an official statement, the MEA spokesperson said that India holds the leadership of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists) responsible for these incidents in which a number of Indian nationals were shot and seriously wounded and several oil tankers were burnt and destroyed.

At the same time, mindful of the other standoff in Nepal - the one between the political parties and King Gyanendra - New Delhi used the opportunity to highlight the importance of the king and his political opposition reaching a "national consensus to deal with this situation with the urgency it deserves". Kathmandu has been rocked by protests over the past week with thousands of demonstrators demanding an end to the ongoing constitutional crisis in the country.

Hundreds of demonstrators have been arrested in recent weeks while demanding the return to democracy. Police rounded up about 100 more anti-monarchy protesters last Wednesday as leftist students claimed to have taken control of a campus of one of Nepal's most prestigious universities. Police drove away several protesters affiliated with the main opposition who chanted slogans denouncing King Gyanendra in defiance of a ban on demonstrations in the capital Kathmandu, news agencies reported. Authorities have been trying to end a fortnight of sometimes violent protests against the king, who infuriated the political establishment in 2002 by dismissing the elected government for "incompetence".

The Indian government has also requested the Nepalese government to provide full security for Indian personnel and property in Nepal. India is "already working together with the authorities in Nepal to confront the challenge of terrorism through mutual cooperation", the statement noted. "Such incidents, far from deterring such cooperation, will only lead to redoubled efforts on the part of both countries to overcome the danger which such terrorism poses to the security of both our countries."

Maoist rebels set ablaze 18 stationary oil tankers at Dhangarghi, near the border with the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh (UP), about 600 kilometers west of Kathmandu. Initial reports said at least 10 of them had Indian registration numbers. The helper of a truck from Rajasthan was injured when rebels fired at his vehicle near the UP border. Another truck was set ablaze at Butwal in western Nepal. The Maoist-run Akhil Nepal Trade Union (Revolutionary) has threatened more attacks in protest against the arrest of "our great leader".

Maoist attacks on Indians appear to be in retaliation for the arrest of Mohan Vaidya, number three in the Maoist hierarchy. Vaidya was arrested in Darjeeling in the Indian state of West Bengal and handed over to the Nepalese authorities. This is the first time the rebels have openly turned their ire on Indian interests since the beginning of their rebellion in 1996. Three Indians were injured in the attacks. Most Nepalese acknowledge Vaidya as the political guru of Maoist chief Pushpa Kamal Dahal and his arrest is seen as a big setback to the Maoist movement in Nepal. Last Wednesday, a day after Vaidya was produced in a Siliguri court, Dahal asked for his release, describing his detention as a bid by India to extract benefits from Nepal.

Security agencies of Nepal and India have already finalized plans to launch a joint operation to curb Maoist activities on their borders. Top level security officials of the two countries met in Raxaul, a small town on the Indian side of the border, and decided to coordinate their operation against the guerrillas taking advantage of the open border. The meeting was held to foil the suspected joint plan of two guerrilla groups, the Maoists in Nepal and the Naxalites, Maoists and other communist extremists in India.

"Indian security personnel have expressed commitment to control rebels' action against Nepal from their soil," a Nepali official was quoted as having said to the press, adding that the two countries have agreed to exchange information and start joint patrolling and search operations in their border areas. An Indian official also informed there is heavy deployment of the Indian Sashastra Seema Bal security force at the borders. The border will remain closed for three days prior to the parliamentary elections in India that are due to be held in five phases from April 26 to May 10.

While Indian interests in Nepal are vital, its options are limited. So far India has followed a two-pronged policy. It has repeatedly advised King Gyanendra to work out a compromise with the political parties and put in place a credible government that could address the extremist threat. At the same time, it has provided military assistance to the Royal Nepal Army (RNA) in its war against extremism.

Though New Delhi is thinking its options afresh, the same policy has been in evidence in the past fortnight as well. Reports about the mediation effort, if true, are clear signs of a recognition that the present policy is not working. The king has so far refused to work with the political parties despite Indian efforts. He has done nothing to allay apprehensions voiced by many since he ousted the elected government in 2002 that he wants to revert to an executive monarchy, transgressing the limits of the 1990 constitution and nullifying the gains of decades-long struggle for democracy.

Nor have, in the Indian view, the main opposition parties shown much sagacity. The five key political parties are a mess. They have become a byword for corruption and infighting. It is difficult for the Nepalese people to have much respect for those who produced 12 governments in 13 years. Even now they have not really covered themselves with glory by having brought the country to a standstill. Their tactic of making common cause with the Maoists against the monarch will only help the Maoists and not a full restoration of democracy that they are demanding.

The second part of Indian strategy - help the RNA - has also not worked. Despite military assistance from India and the United States, a sharp increase in manpower, firepower, mobility, and to some extent, intelligence and tactically sound relocation of their garrisons and outposts complete with mines, wires and booby-traps, the RNA has not been able to tame the Maoists. The RNA manpower has grown from a mere 50,000 in 2001 to 73,000, and by next year will number 80,000. RNA troops' caliber has been significantly enhanced by new weapons, like 12,000 M-16 rifles from the US, 5,000 mini machine guns from Belgium, and at least 20,000 rifles from India. The Indian army has provided them with counter-insurgency training and taught them survival skills. Yet the Maoists, with no support from the outside world and no improvement in their operational capabilities, launched attacks last month against Bhojpur in the east and Beni in the west, killed 32 policemen and nine RNA personnel, wiped out the police post and took away weapons and ammunition, and the telephone tower.

On top of this demonstration of RNA incompetence despite considerable outside help, the Nepali media are full of the stories of human rights violations by the army. There are complaints that the RNA has been indiscriminate in the use of force and has been alienating the people, rather than winning their hearts and minds that it was supposed to be doing. One reason for the sorry state of affairs is its favorite tactic: armed helicopters fitted with 50 machine guns dropping 81mm bombs over suspected Maoist hideouts. These tactics naturally lead to a large number of killings of innocent civilians and help provide further recruitment base for the Maoists.

The Maoist attacks on Indians and subsequent claims that it was not a planned affair is being interpreted in some circles in Delhi as both a threat and a feeler. Maoists, according to this theory, want India to remain disengaged, and if it does so it would have no cause to fear the consequences of a Maoist takeover of the country. In other words, if India doesn't take sides now, as it seems to be doing, the Maoists would leave India alone, if and when they come to power. India, however, doesn't think it can afford to allow Nepal to degenerate into chaos and anarchy. New Delhi would not remain a silent spectator to a Maoist takeover of Nepal that is being feared more and more with the incompetence of the anti-Maoist forces on display in the past couple of years, and the seeming absence of any viable political party emerging out of the current batch.

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