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Anwar not the answer to Malaysia's woes
By Lena Kay

(Used by permission of Pacific Forum CSIS)

The release of Anwar Ibrahim from prison and the reversal of his conviction on sodomy charges have been heralded as a landmark in Malaysian politics. Some now look to the former deputy prime minister to lead the Malaysian reform movement. Anwar's release has been rightfully applauded, but its impact on Malaysian politics should not be overstated; Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi is the chief beneficiary of this surprising turn of events. The move is good for US relations with Malaysia, however: freeing Anwar eliminates a major irritant and will allow the two countries to forge closer ties in the future.

At the time of his imprisonment six years ago, Anwar was heir apparent to then-prime minister Mahathir Mohamad. Differences between the two men over the correct response to the 1997 Asian financial crisis resulted in Anwar's dismissal. But rather than going quietly, Anwar took his fight to the streets, rallying the public around the call for reformasi (reform). He was subsequently arrested, tried and convicted of sodomy and abuse of power amid the biggest demonstrations in decades.

Prison did not remove Anwar from the public view. A very visible black eye given to him in jail by then-inspector general of police A Rahim Noor, arsenic poisoning, back injuries, and the establishment of an opposition party, Parti Keadilan Nasional (National Justice Party, or Keadilan), by his wife, Wan Azizah, ensured that Anwar would remain a focus of international attention. His imprisonment has been a continuing issue for US relations with Malaysia; relations between the two countries were most strained in 1998 when then-vice president Al Gore gave a speech endorsing reformasi in Kuala Lumpur on the eve of the annual Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit.

This month, in a surprise move, the Malaysian Supreme Court reversed Anwar's conviction on charges of sodomy, ruling that the testimony of the main witness against him was unreliable. Having served his sentence on the corruption charge, Anwar was then released from prison.

Some now look to the newly freed Anwar to spearhead the reform movement in Malaysia. That is unlikely. As a practical matter, Anwar is banned from politics for five years as a result of his conviction on corruption charges, which Malaysian courts have pointedly refused to overturn. Equally important is the fact that his appeal has diminished since he was imprisoned. He lost the status of heir apparent, and his supporters among the faithful now back Abdullah. Anwar has been tainted by charges that he too profited from corruption during Mahathir's rule. Some close allies have even described him as an "opportunist". With Mahathir gone from the scene, he has lost his chief nemesis.

If anything, Anwar's release has strengthened the hand of Abdullah Badawi. The reversal of what has been roundly condemned as a miscarriage of justice makes the prime minister look stronger. He has been praised for promoting judicial independence, even though he has denied having any influence on the decision.

Abdullah is moving from strength to strength. During the first post-Mahathir general elections held in March, the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition won a landslide victory. Keadilan was decimated, losing all its parliamentary seats except that of party president Wan Azizah. The result was seen as an overwhelming vote of approval for the new prime minister, who had taken officer after Mahathir stepped down last October.

The election results in large part reflected Abdullah's attempts to distinguish himself from his predecessor. In particular, he has taken aim at the crony capitalism that seemed to flourish in the Mahathir era. He arrested Tan Sri Eric Chia, a close friend of the former prime minister. He has "indefinitely postponed" several large projects that were thought to benefit other close associates of Mahathir. He has taken the police to task for the spate of snatch thefts, showing sensitivity to the concerns of ordinary citizens. He has chided the civil service for its inefficiency. And recent measures concerning the tax system, outlined on September 10, will introduce more efficiency and transparency in Malaysia. All reflect a willingness to demand accountability. In so doing, Abdullah has managed to co-opt the reform movement, in effect depriving Anwar of his base.

A strong and popular Abdullah Badawi administration is in the US interest. The prime minister espouses a moderate form of Islam that can serve as a counter to the extremism that, while still a minority position, is heard with worrying frequency in Southeast Asia. Popularity at home allows Abdullah to take pro-US positions without having to watch his back. During his July visit to the White House, Abdullah described Malaysia's relationship with the United States as "very, very, very strong" and said that "more can be done". He went on to say, "Malaysia is ready to send a medical team, a sizable medical team to Iraq."

Malaysia can play a vital role in US relations with the Muslim world. Hailed as an economic success without having to depend on oil, Malaysia is often held up as an example of what a modern, democratic Islamic country can achieve. As the current chair of the Organization of Islamic Conference and of the Non-Aligned Movement, Malaysia also can play a critical role in rallying international support for the "war on terror".

Of course, the two countries will not see eye-to-eye on all issues. But the Abdullah Badawi administration can work with the United States on key issues that affect both countries. The release of Anwar eliminates a thorn in the bilateral relationship. Both governments should now make the most of this opportunity.

Lena Kay is a Vasey Fellow at the Pacific Forum CSIS. This article is used by permission of Pacific Forum CSIS.


Sep 25, 2004



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(Sep 18, '04)

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(Sep 9, '04)

Anwar's release catches UMNO with pants down
(Sep 3, '04)

 

         
         
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